Showing posts with label Politics-USA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics-USA. Show all posts

Pelosi on Bahner: "He Felt Short" But Dems Could Have done Better



House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA)

  In her most candid assessment to date, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) said Democrats should have fared better in the debt limit fight. And she was unable to defend the final deal from the suggestion that it will cost the country jobs.

But in a new wrinkle, she also said the deal was crafted with the expectation that Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) would be able to marshal a majority for the bill on his own -- a mark he fell far short of.
Pelosi convened a handful of new media reporters to discuss the Democrats' plans for legislative action on jobs. I asked whether she believed the new law, which will ultimately result in at least $2.1 trillion worth of austerity measures, would cost jobs, and if so, how many.
Her response is worth quoting in full.
"The standard that was set by Simpson-Bowles...the Gang of Six -- everybody who has looked at this has said do not make those big cuts too soon, you will slow economic growth," she said. "I think that principle stands."

I also think, though, that passing something and getting it over with and moving on was necessary and compared to default it is preferable because default would really lose a lot of jobs. That is my way of saying, I don't think this is the best path we could have taken. And especially I'm unhappy about the fact that this was developed with a premise that the Republicans would have the 218. Since they didn't we should've had more influence.
I was in all the meetings, I'm not saying that isn't the case. But if we had days, instead of backed up to hours, we could have said 'you don't have the votes, let's go back in and how do we move this way in order to cut some of those cuts and have a better bill and get the votes.' So I think we could've done better. I think they were successful at just prolonging it to the last minute so that we didn't have that option and it was default or no default.
Emphasis added.
In the hours before the House's final debt limit vote, Boehner insisted all leaders -- including Pelosi -- were obligated to provide enough votes for the plan to make sure it passed. Democratic leaders always said they wouldn't let the plan fail, but Pelosi now suggests Boehner fell far short of expectations.
Pelosi ultimately voted for the bill -- a de facto requirement of a party leader who strikes a bipartisan agreement. But she's never been shy about suggesting that she dislikes the agreement, and her proxies in the House Democratic caucus registered that distaste by voting no.

The Tea Party AS white Southern extremism



The Tea Party, the debt ceiling, and white Southern extremism
Reuters/Jason Reed
BY MICHAEL LIND
    The Tea Party movement takes its name from the Boston Tea Party of 1773, when American patriots dumped British tea into Boston Harbor to protest British imperial power. But while New England was the center of resistance to the British empire, there are few New Englanders to be found in today's Tea Party movement. It should be called the Fort Sumter movement, after the Southern attack on the federal garrison in Fort Sumter in South Carolina on April 12-13, 1861, that began the Civil War. Today's Tea Party movement is merely the latest of a series of attacks on American democracy by the white Southern minority, which for more than two centuries has not hesitated to paralyze, sabotage or, in the case of the Civil War, destroy American democracy in order to get their way.
    The mainstream media have completely missed the story, by portraying the Tea Party movement in ideological rather than regional terms. Whether by accident or design, the public faces of the Tea Party in the House are Midwesterners -- Minnesota's Michele Bachmann and Joe Walsh of Illinois. But while there may be Tea Party sympathizers throughout the country, in the House of Representatives the Tea Party faction that has used the debt ceiling issue to plunge the nation into crisis is overwhelmingly Southern in its origins:

    The four states with the most Tea Party representatives in Congress are all former members of the Confederate States of America. The states with the greatest number of members of the House Tea Party caucus are Texas (12), Florida (7), Louisiana (5) and Georgia (5). While California is in fifth place with four House Tea Party members, the sixth, seventh and eighth places on the list are taken by two former Southern slave states, South Carolina and Tennessee, and a border state, Missouri, each with three members of the congressional Tea Party caucus.
    If states with significant white Southern diasporas were included, the Southern proportion of the House Tea Party caucus would be even bigger. Many of the other states with Tea Party representatives are border states with significant Southern populations and Southern ties. One is Maryland, a state with Confederate sympathies during the Civil War, which, because the Census Bureau defines it as "Northeastern," is responsible for the only Northeastern member of the Tea Party caucus, Roscoe Bartlett. The four Californian representatives come from the Orange County area or inland California, both regions whose political culture was shaped by Southern political culture, in the form of the "Okie" diaspora that settled there during the Depression.
    In the entire House Tea Party Caucus, there is not a single representative from New England.
    The fact that Tea Party conservatism speaks with a pronounced Southern drawl may have escaped the attention of the mainstream media, but it is obvious to members of Congress who have to try to work with these disproportionately-Southern fanatics. One is Rep. Loretta Sanchez of California. As a guest on a radio show, she mocked the Southern accent of the typical congressional Tea Party caucus member:
    The congresswoman, who represents Anaheim and other parts of Orange County, laughed and said she knows how to get along with people. Then she used a mock Southern accent to describe how conversations with them play out.
    "Hey what's your name? 'My name is M-o-e,'" Sanchez said, feigning a Southern drawl that drew howls of laughter from Miller and her co-host. "Ok Moe. Moe-ster, how you doing baby? What are we going to do today? What's your interest? What can we work on together?"
    "'Well, it's unconstitutional," she said, using her faux Southern accent.
    Contradicting the mainstream media narrative that the Tea Party is a new populist movement that formed spontaneously in reaction to government bailouts or the Obama administration, the facts show that the Tea Party in Congress is merely the familiar old neo-Confederate Southern right under a new label. The threat of Southern Tea Party representatives and their sidekicks from the Midwest and elsewhere to destroy America's credit rating unless the federal government agrees to enact Dixie's economic agenda of preserving defense spending while slashing entitlements is simply the latest act of aggression by the Solid South.
    Here is how the League of the South, a neo-Confederate organization that favors Southern secession from what it describes alternately as "the yankee empire" and "the South-busting American regime," describes the South's pattern of voting in Congress in recent years (note the author's British spelling of "favour" -- Noah Webster, who tried to Americanize spelling, was a Yankee):
    Another stark Southern – US split occurred when the Senate voted on President Clinton's impeachment verdict. The whole Senate voted to acquit Clinton on both impeachment charges while Southern Senators voted two-thirds in favour [sic] of convicting Clinton of obstruction of justice (18 to 8). If the South had been in charge, President Bill "the Lecher" Clinton would have been the first president in U.S. history to have been removed from office by impeachment.
    Election
    If the South had had its way, however, Clinton would not even have been elected in the first place. In both 1992 and 1996 the South voted for the Republican nominee for President, i.e., the candidate generally perceived to be more conservative (regardless of the reality).
    Taxes
    On tax policy, the South almost always votes for lower taxes, and is sometimes overridden by the US congress. In 1998 the thirteen State South voted by the required two-thirds margin for a constitutional amendment to require a two-thirds vote of both houses of congress to raise taxes. Southerners voted in favour [sic] of this constitutional amendment 90 to 41. In the full House the amendment failed by 238 to 186 opposed, far short of the constitutionally required two-thirds margin.
    Religious Freedom
    Also in 1998, Southern Representatives voted by the requisite two-thirds "super majority" to submit to the States the Religious Freedom Constitutional Amendment. It would have guaranteed an individual's right to pray and recognize his religious beliefs on public property, including schools. The house of representatives [sic] as a whole rejected this amendment by a vote of 224 in favour to 203 opposed, falling miserably short of the necessary two-thirds margin.
    States' Rights
    In 1997 Senator Hutchinson of Arkansas offered an amendment to abolish the National Endowment for the Arts and transfer its fiscal 1998 funding directly to the States. The South voted for this State Rights proposal by the ample margin of 17 to 9, whereas the full Senate rejected this affirmation of the rights and duties of the States by the almost equally strong margin of 63 against to only 36 for.
    In light of this recent history, it is clear that the origins of the debt ceiling crisis are to be sought, not in generic American conservatism, but in idiosyncratic Southern conservatism. The goal, the methods and the passion of the Tea Party in the House are all characteristic of the radical Southern right.
    From the earliest years of the American republic, white Southern conservatives when they have lost elections and found themselves in the political minority have sought to extort concession from national majorities by paralyzing or threatening to destroy the United States.
    The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 asserted the alleged right of states to "nullify" any federal law that state lawmakers considered unconstitutional. This obstructionist mentality led to the Nullification Crisis of 1832, when South Carolina refused to enforce federal tariffs. Civil War was averted only when President Andrew Jackson, a Southerner himself, forced the nullifiers to back down.
    In 1820 and 1850 the South used the threat of secession to force the rest of the United States to appease it on the slavery issue. In 1861, the South tried to destroy the United States, rather than accept a legitimately elected president, Abraham Lincoln, whom it did not control.
    Following defeat in the Civil War, the former Confederate states regrouped as "the Solid South," a one-party region, first Democratic and now Republican, that has tended to vote as a bloc in national affairs. The South sought to block the federal civil rights revolution by a policy of "massive resistance" to court orders ordering racial integration. Some Southern states went so far as to try to abolish their public school systems rather than integrate them. It is hard to avoid seeing a link between this racist rationale for privatization and modern conservative plans to scale back Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, relied on disproportionately by black and brown Americans and low-income whites, while increasing taxpayer subsidies to private retirement and healthcare accounts enjoyed mostly by affluent whites.
    As white Southerners, upset with the Democratic Party's racial and social liberalism, migrated into the post-Goldwater GOP, they brought their Dixiecrat attitudes into the party of Lincoln. The Kemp-Roth tax bill of 1981, which inaugurated the policy of creating permanent deficits by slashing taxes without cutting spending, had its strongest support among Southern and Western members of Congress and the least support in the fiscally conservative Northeast.
    The Republican Party's attempted government shutdown of 1995 marked the new domination of the Republican Party by Southerners like Newt Gingrich, Dick Armey and Tom DeLay. The impeachment of their fellow Southerner Bill Clinton was an attempted coup d'état by the Southern white minority in the United States, which, as in 1860, was frustrated because its candidate lost the presidential election.
    The debt ceiling crisis is the latest case in which the radical right in the South has held America hostage until its demands are met. Presidents Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln refused to appease the Southern fanatics. Unfortunately, President Obama and the Democrats in Congress chose not to follow their example and instead gave in. In doing so, they have encouraged the neo-Confederate minority in Congress to find yet another opportunity in the near future to extort concessions from America's majority by sabotaging America's government. 

    Rep. Lamborn likens Obama to a "tar baby"


    BY DAVID SIROTA
     

    Perry's problem on Gay Marriage then His problem Endorsing NY's Gay Marriage



    By Ed Andrieski, AP
    Texas Gov. Rick Perry is considering a GOP presidential bid and preparing for his first political stop ahead of the key early primary in South Carolina.
    The Republican governor is considering a GOPpresidential bid and preparing for his first political stop ahead of the key early primary in South Carolina, where social issues always play well. But Perry told The Associated Press in a telephone interview that a presidential campaign would concentrate on jobs, not evolution or gay marriage.
    minds is jobs," Perry said.
    "The issue that is most important and most on people's mind is jobs" 
    "The candidate that Americans can get excited about, that truly understands that and can deliver that, I think, is a candidate that is really going to excite the imagination and get the juices flowing of the electorate out there," he said. Pointing to an increase in employment in his state, the governor said he's cracked the code for figuring out how to create jobs.
    Perry said the stimulus and job creation efforts ofPresident Obama haven't worked. "I think we poured about $4 trillion down that rat hole and government has not created a job," he said.
    Supporters of the stimulus plan point out that jobs were saved because of the effort congressional Republicans opposed. And while Perry fought Washington over accepting a portion of Obama's economic stimulus package because of strings attached to the money, the state ended up using billions of the federal aid to balance the state budget, avoiding a possible financial disaster.
    Perry, 61, said social issues should be decided state by state and even remarked thatNew York's passage of gay marriage law was that state's business. Still, he said he would support a constitutional amendment that takes away the power of the states to decide who can get married.
    "Yes, sir, I would. I am for the federal marriage amendment," he said. "And that's about as sharp a point as I could put on it."
    Perry has used more than words to support tempering evolution taught in schools with creationism.
    This month, he appointed a biology teacher who disputes evolution as chairwoman of the Texas State Board of Education. In 2009, that 15-member board put the national spotlight on Texas in a debate that led to adopting standards encouraging schools to look at "all sides" of scientific theory. It now is considering educational materials that promote intelligent design even though a federal court ruled against teaching the theory that life on Earth is so complex that it must have come from an intelligent higher power.
    "There are clear indications from our people who have amazing intellectual capability that this didn't happen by accident and a creator put this in place," Perry said.
    "Now, what was his time frame and how did he create the earth that we know? I'm not going to tell you that I've got the answers to that," Perry said. "I believe that we were created by this all-powerful supreme being and how we got to today versus what we look like thousands of years ago, I think there's enough holes in the theory of evolution to, you know, say there are some holes in that theory."
    If there's a creator for Perry's candidate-in-waiting campaign, it's his wife, Anita. Hours before his 2010 election to a third full term, Perry told the AP that his out-of-mainstream views were proof that he could never run for president. Anita Perry changed his outlook.
    Perry said his wife's political instincts have always been spot-on. She was concerned about last year's passage of federal health care laws hurting innovation and care as well as a soaring national debt that would burden their children. While her husband had a good job already, she told him "you need to do your duty," Perry recalled.
    "That was a very sobering conversation. It was one that made me sit down and reconsider my blanket rejection, if you will, of my interest in running for the presidency. I've gone from 'no way, no how' to 'I'm going to think about this' to getting comfortable in my heart and calm in my soul that this is an appropriate thing to do," Perry said.
    "I still don't wake up every morning and go, 'Man, being a president of the United Statesis something I dream about every day,' no more than, I suppose, a soldier on June the 5th or June the 6th of 1944 looked forward to running up the beach at Normandy," he said.
    No decision has been made. Perry said that could wait as long as until Labor Day. Nonetheless, he's on a well-worn candidate-in-waiting trajectory: raising his profile, planning stump speeches in early voting states; putting feelers out for staff, and working key donors to fuel a campaign that would spend hundreds of millions to clinch the primaries, nomination and general election.
    On the day he appointed the school board member, Perry headed to the hospital for back surgery. Doctors had discovered a problem when he was 16. "It never caused me an ounce of problems until I got to be about 50 and then it got to be a nagging thing," he said. His doctor persuaded him to try surgery for the pain.
    The avid jogger — he was a triathlete between 2002 and 2008 — said he's about 80 percent recovered. "When I'm fully recovered is when I get to start running again. I'm kind of hooked on running," he said. For now, he's swimming and hitting the treadmill for 1 miles a day, listening to a playlist that includes country singer Clay Walker and a North Dallas alternative rock band, Forever the Sickest Kids.
    None of that is keeping him from the campaign circuit, he said. That includes his first political stop in South Carolina, planned for Aug. 13, to talk at a gathering in Charleston sponsored by the conservative website RedStates. The next day, Iowa voters will hold a straw poll designed to show early strength ahead of the state caucuses. Perry's not on the candidate list there and won't make a bid announcement while here.
    The one-time Air Force cargo pilot said that won't create a problem getting his campaign airborne if he decides to run.
    "I think we'll be able to break ground," he said, "even with a combat load on board."
    Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
    For more information about reprints & permissions, visit our FAQ's. To report corrections and clarifications, contact Standards Editor Brent Jones. For publication consideration in the newspaper, send comments to letters@usatoday.com. Include name, phone number, city and state for verification. To view our corrections, go to corrections.usatoday.com.
    Also a point of view:

    Perry’s problem on gay marriage

    Right Turn reported on Friday that Texas Gov. Rick Perry tried to extricate himself from a kerfuffle over gay marriage after he previously said this was an issue for the states. His qualification seemed to please some social conservative leaders. Gary Bauer, one of the highest-profile Christian conservative leaders, wrote Friday in his daily e-mail sent out to his followers and other conservative subscribers:
    Wednesday I took Texas Governor Rick Perry to task for his comment that he was “fine” with same-sex “marriage” in New York, even though he and the overwhelming majority of Texans oppose same-sex “marriage.” The problem with Perry’s “state’s rights” argument is that the militant homosexual rights movement has no intention of allowing each state to define marriage for itself.
    In fact, the attorney general of New York this week filed a lawsuit seeking to have the Defense of Marriage Act declared unconstitutional. If that happens, Texas will be forced to recognize the “gay marriages” performed in New York. So much for states’ rights and the Tenth Amendment.
    I’m pleased to report that Governor Perry clarified his remarks this week in an interview with my good friend Tony Perkins. During the interview, he made it clear he recognizes the threat that legalized same-sex “marriage” in New York poses to the traditional definition of marriage in Texas.
    Moreover, Perry expressed his support for a federal marriage protection amendment, adding, “Indeed to not pass the federal marriage amendment would impinge on Texas, and other states not to have [same-sex] marriage forced upon us by these activist judges and special interest groups.”
    But Perry’s backtrack annoyed some in the party who saw this as waffling. Margaret Hoover, who originally praised Perry and who argues that the party will lose young voters with an anti-gay-rights message, e-mailed me, “As long as his stance hasn’t changed from being an ardent 10th amendment supporter, he can be personally opposed to same sex marriage, but still support states rights.” She cautioned against Perry muddying the waters by cheering for a federal constitutional amendment: “Perry should leave it where it is — and not go further to support a federal marriage amendment (that’s so 2004).”

    You see the difficulty. If Perry holds to his principles on the 10th Amendment eventually he will be at loggerheads with social conservatives who want not simply want his personal opposition but also his support for restrictions on the spread of gay marriage. If he deviates from his “let states do what they may” position he’ll have a flip-flop problem and potentially lose younger and more libertarian voters. This is the sort of issue over which pols who lack experience in a national race can stumble. It should serve as a warning to Perry to figure out exactly how he is going to address and communicate on dozens and dozens of issues, some of which (e.g. foreign policy) he has never faced before.

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